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Interventions by Noam Chomsky is getting new press after the Pentagon banned the book from Guantanamo Bay's prison library. The Miami Herald broke the story on October 11, 2009 and stories followed in The Washington Independent, the Boston Herald, and other outlets. Democracy Now! picked up the story on October 13: “Published in 2007, Interventions compiles a series of Chomsky's columns. The Pentagon has refused to explain why the book has been barred.”
“Chomsky is a global phenomenon . . . perhaps the most widely read voice on foreign policy on the planet.”—The New York Times Book Review
Interventions is Noam Chomsky at his best.
Not since his all-time best-selling title, 9/11, published in the Open Media series in 2001, have readers had a timely, short, easy-to-read, affordable Chomsky. Unlike 9/11, Interventions is a writerly work—a series of more than thirty tightly argued essays aimed at various aspects of US power and politics in the post-9/11 world. While critical of US military interventions around the globe, each piece in the book is in itself an intellectual intervention aimed at raising public ire about the consequences of US use of power at home and abroad.
Interventions’ subjects span from 9/11 and the Iraq war to Social Security and Intelligent Design, South America and Asia, the Israeli occupation of Palestine and the election of Hamas, Hurricane Katrina, and the US concept of “just war.”
According to BusinessWeek, “With relentless logic, Chomsky bids us to listen closely to what our leaders tell us—and to discern what they are leaving out. . . . Agree with him or not, we lose out by not listening.” Chomsky’s Interventions delivers what readers want: an accessible set of skeleton keys for opening up a wide range of global issues dominating today’s political landscape.
Noam Chomsky is the critically acclaimed author of many books, including Hegemony or Survival, Imperial Ambitions, Failed States, Manufacturing Consent, and Media Control.
- Sales Rank: #491590 in Books
- Brand: Brand: City Lights Publishers
- Published on: 2007-07-01
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.00" h x .70" w x 5.20" l, .66 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 232 pages
Features
- Used Book in Good Condition
From Publishers Weekly
Though sometimes distracted by topics like Hurricane Katrina or South America, the essays in Chomsky's latest, written for the New York Times Syndicate between September 2002 and July '06, are largely concerned with Iraq, seen through the combative, populist (though by no means popular) convictions that the linguist and activist has become known for. His long-standing criticism of Israel makes it the next-most discussed topic; he accuses Israel of kidnapping and killing civilians and wonders why no has yet called for a Desert Storm-style invasion of the Jewish state. Though he clearly represents a voice unfettered by elitist concerns, tainted money or fear of reprisal, what comes through most strongly-indeed, what drives his arguments-isn't special insight into the issues at hand, but simple disgust with American imperialism and hypocrisy. Many pieces have been rendered irrelevant by events (though Chomsky offers footnoted updates), and he's no prose stylist. Few newspaper or magazines print Chomsky's work; given his views and his gloom-and-doom style, it's understandable.
Copyright � Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Review
"Unwavering political contrarian Noam Chomsky smart-bombs the U.S. military's global 'Interventions'. Shock and awe!" -- Vanity Fair, June 2007
"'Interventions' covers the Iraq invasion and occupation, the Bush presidency, Israel and Palestine, national security and more." -- Chicago Sun Times, July 29, 2007
"It continues to amaze me that, for all the demonizing of Chomsky by certain regressive elements, his analyses are sensible and fact-based. If you are unfamiliar with his work, this would be a good introduction." -- The Morning News.com, August 6, 2007
"Noam Chomsky sounds off on US military interventions since 9/11." -- Boston Phoenix, June 29, 2007
"These columns are littered with unpopular but accurate caveats to the Bush administration's dream of unchallenged global dominance." -- Newark Star Ledger, July 29, 2007
"bulk of the essays deal with the US invasion of Iraq, but other issues are covered as well, including Hurricane Katrina, threats against Iran, the recent Israeli attack on Lebanon . . ." -- Book News Inc., November 2007
About the Author
Noam Chomsky is the critically acclaimed author of several bestselling books. Some of his recent titles include Hegemony or Survival, Imperial Ambitions, 9-11, Media Control, and Interventions. Chomsky is credited with the creation of the theory of generative grammar, considered to be one of the most significant contributions to the field of theoretical linguistics made in the 20th century.
Most helpful customer reviews
95 of 97 people found the following review helpful.
Gems of Tough Love, Hope & Inspiration
By Robert David STEELE Vivas
Other speakers have pointed out, as the book's foreword does as well, that most of Chomsky's Op Eds are widely published overseas but not in the US. I completely agree with the general view among intelligent people that the mainstream print and broadcast media, including NPR which now works for Otto Reich, Karl Rove's best post-Nazi pal, are worthless. As Joe Trippi says, "the revolution will not be televised," nor will it be discovered by any "news hole" reporter whose column inches are subordinate to advertising and info-mercials from the powers that be. I recall with anger that $100,000 full page ads, cash offered up front, were REFUSED by the NYT, Los Angeles Times, and Washington Post. Shame!
As I usually do with Chomsky's works, I start with the last item, and then go back to the beginning. The heart of this book in my view is two-fold:
1) American intellectuals on both left and right, are timid, ignorant, lazy, and generally a pitiful mess. They have all fallen prey to ideological fantasy or agnostic oblivion. Absent Chomsky, Sy Hersh, and a few others (not counting authors like Francis Moore Lappe and others in the transpartisan mode), our media--broadcast, print, and web--is completely lacking and totally distorted in its failure to be a responsible fourth estate.
2) We the People have the power to change all this. Interestingly (at least to me), as Chompsky's book arrived via UPS I was reading the introduction by Lawrence Goodwyn to "The Populist Movement: A Short History of the Agrarian Revolt in America" (Oxford, 1979). Both Chomsky and Goodwyn see clearly that there is a corporate dominance of "the national interest" that is completely at variance, 180 degrees contrary to "the public interest." This may well be the single most significant political concept we must communicate to every American eligible to vote in 2008.
Chomsky makes much--and in my mind very properly so--of how the people and the varied organizations subordinate to the banks, corporations, and puppet government (both federal and state) have been "domesticated" to believe that the existing system is "as good as it gets" and that nothing can come of a popular revolt. However, and here I draw on Goodwyn, it is clear that the people can reach a breaking points, a point beyond which their suffering cannot be explained by "hard times" or "genetic sloth" or any of the other propaganda terms used to try to keep the 90% that do all the work still for their screwing by CEOs and Wall Street and the Federal Reserve.
Reading Chomsky is like a bracing splash of cold water. Early on in the book, an item dated 1 November 2002 (the dates for each Op-Ed are always present and much appreciated), he offers a modest proposal: that if the US insists on toppling Hussein, that it simply commission Iran to do so, and offer all the support it previously offered to Iraq against Iran. What an insane idea, he points out at the end, only to pointedly suggest that the only idea MORE insane is for the US to go it alone and lightly.
This morning I was re-reading Adda Bozeman's introduction to her brilliant work, "Strategic Intelligence & Statecraft," and recalling how in 1992 (the same year that I tried to get the USG to take open sources of information seriously) she was very pointedly stating that the heart of strategic intelligence lay in understanding the cultural and religious values of others. Not something CIA has a clue about, especially today when 4 out of 5 "analysts" (more like junior butts in seats) have less than five years experience.
Chomsky is gifted at speaking truth to power, and it is significant that more and more people are reading what he writes--just as more and more people are reading my non-fiction reviews--the American public is now "engaged" and emergent from its slumber. Sadly, when other try to replicate his truth-telling, citing chapter and verse from "Sorrows of Empire," or "War is a Racket" or "The Fifty Year Would," or "Why the Rest Hate the West," we get slammed down. Just yesterday I was told that a superb monograph on Intelligence & Information Operations (I2O) would be published officially, but only if I took out all the "conspiracy theory" quotes. The first one, on page 3, quoted General Smedley Butler, the most decorated Marine of his era, saying he did not like being an enforcer for corporations. So much for speaking the truth in Pentagon circles (where I usually get fairly free rein, to their credit).
Chomsky's other oft-repeated theme, but with all new words in all new Op-Eds tailored to the post 9/11 era, is that it is America that is the global terrorist, America that is the evil-doer. Let me be among those who stand with Chomsky. I declare, as the #1 Amazon reviewer for non-fiction; as a former Marine Corps infantry officer, clandestine spy for the CIA, founder of the Marine Corps Intelligence Command, and devoted citizen and father with roots in the Commonwealth of Virginia, Chomsky is correct. We are losing the global war of belief systems because we refuse to recognize our grotesque migration from a free people to an evil empire in which the people have no say over what is being done "in their name." Sun Tzu knew that only those who know BOTH themselves, AND their enemy, will be victories. We know NEITHER ourselves nor our enemies, most of them of our own making. There are reasons for this, but the most important reason lies with our own failing as a public willing to demand the public interest in lieu of special interests.
No one need fear Chomsky, who loves America as much as I do. We need to fear only our inertia as disciplining those who have committed high crimes and misdemeanors, relying on our apathy. The list is long.
War Is a Racket: The Anti-War Classic by America's Most Decorated General, Two Other Anti=Interventionist Tracts, and Photographs from the Horror of It
The Sorrows of Empire: Militarism, Secrecy, and the End of the Republic (The American Empire Project)
The Fifty-Year Wound: How America's Cold War Victory Has Shaped Our World
The Eagle's Shadow: Why America Fascinates and Infuriates the World
Rogue Nation: American Unilateralism and the Failure of Good Intentions
Weapons of Mass Deception: The Uses of Propaganda in Bush's War on Iraq
Embedded: Weapons of Mass Deception : How the Media Failed to Cover the War on Iraq
Vice: Dick Cheney and the Hijacking of the American Presidency
Bush's BrainWhy We Fight
41 of 42 people found the following review helpful.
Hard-hitting little gems
By draktrin
"Interventions" is unusual in some respects. It's a collection of op ed pieces that Chomsky started writing shortly after 9/11. Believe it or not, these pieces were distributed worldwide by the New York Times Syndicate, a branch of the NYT publishing enterprise. Very few U.S. newspapers picked them up (that's all too familiar) but they were probably widely disseminated elsewhere in the world.
They span the years 2002-2007 and have been revised and collected now in one paperback volume, with new footnotes freshly added on the occasion of this republication. Even the oldest of these pieces don't feel dated. As always, Chomsky digs deep underneath the surface and extracts principles of U.S. foreign policy that haven't changed in many years.
The essays are short pieces of around 1,000 words, or 4 pages each, a total of 44, and they make for very good reading. Perhaps Chomsky was more focussed and less rambling than usual because of the need for concision, or perhaps it's simply the brevity of these pieces that makes them so effective. Whatever it is that sets these pieces apart, they've had quite an impact on me: I tend to walk around slightly stunned after reading each piece, unable to take my mind off it, and I'm able to remember these pieces so much better than a lot of my other Chomsky reading.
Perhaps this extra impact has to do with the fact that the number of facts and connections and basic principles uncovered by Chomsky in each essay is digestable. The complexity of the analysis doesn't go beyond what you can absorb in one setting. Each piece remains fresh in your mind and has quite an emotional impact, such as disbelief, outrage, sadness, or feeling sick to your stomach.
There is a crying need for making Chomsky more accessible, i.e. for transforming his standard mode of political analysis and commentary in such a way that it can be assimilated more easily by someone who is not a Chomsky himself. The Chomsky movies (Manufacturing Consent, Rebel Without a Pause) don't really succeed in that. The "Understanding Power" anthology, in book form and with massive annotations on the Internet, also had this ambition. It is admirable but the book doesn't quite succeed in this either.
The form of the concise op ed in this book and the dialog form in the recent book Chomsky & Achcar "Perilous Power" take a different tack on presenting Chomsky's political thinking. They succeed better in making Chomsky accessible and exciting than many other attempts. He should publish more often in these two formats.
30 of 31 people found the following review helpful.
Noam's response
By B. Hanley
To that lame Washington Post review by Jonathan Rauch (and why won't the Post print it anyway?):
The letter to the Washington Post that follows was written as an experiment, to see just how low the editors would sink in their efforts to block a book containing evidence and analysis that they do not want to reach the public. The letter is a response to a crude and vulgar diatribe, in the form of a review of my collection Interventions. In response, I wrote a point-by-point refutation of each charge, a straightforward matter, as the editors doubtless understand. The letter was sent to the Post immediately, altogether four times, with a request for acknowledgment of receipt. Unpublished, no acknowledgment of receipt. Two weeks after the review appeared, Sept. 16, the Post did publish two letters responding to it. The letters were critical of the review, but acceptable by the standards of the editors, because they left the lies and slanders standing -- the authors could have had no way to refute them without a research project.
I think it is fair to take the editors' silence to demonstrate that they know precisely what they are doing, and are too cowardly even to acknowledge receipt.
- Noam Chomsky
Editor
Washington Post
Jonathan Rauch's review of my Interventions (WP, Sept. 2) brings to mind Orwell's famous observations on the "indifference to reality" of the nationalist, who "not only does not disapprove of atrocities committed by his own side, but ..has a remarkable capacity for not even hearing about them."
Rauch runs through a series of what he regards as "flights into a separate reality" and "tendentious whimsy." When exposed, a straightforward matter, his charges may appear to be conscious deceit, but are more charitably understood as a textbook illustration of Orwell's observations.
Rauch is appalled that I should charge Washington with bombing Serbia in 1999 "not to prevent ethnic cleansing but to impose Washington's neoliberal economic agenda." I neither made nor endorsed the statement. Rather, I quoted it - accurately, not in his words. The source is a high official of the Clinton administration directly involved in the Kosovo events, describing how events were perceived at the highest level. See p. 179.
Another bit of "tendentious whimsy" is the statement that "North Korea's counterfeiting racket may actually be a CIA operation." I neither made nor endorsed the statement, but cited it, accurately, from the respected Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung.
Rauch finds equally appalling the fact that "In Chomsky's universe, the 2001 U.S. attack on Afghanistan was undertaken with the expectation that it might drive several million people over the edge of starvation." The statement is precisely accurate. That is why aid agencies bitterly condemned the bombing, joined by leading Afghan opponents of the Taliban, including US favorites. It is also why many months after the bombing ended, Harvard's leading specialist on Afghanistan, Samina Ahmed, wrote in the Harvard journal International Security that "millions of Afghans are at grave risk of starvation." That and more is in the book under review, but in these op-eds I did not provide full details that would be familiar to readers of the mainstream press, for example, the increase in estimate of those at the edge of starvation by 50%, to 7.5 million, when the bombing was announced and initiated. If Rauch is indeed unfamiliar with the mainstream press, he can find precise references in books of mine cited here.
Particularly amazing in Rauch's universe is the idea, in his words, that "President Bush - the first and only U.S. president to declare formal American support for a Palestinian state - is the obstacle to a two-state solution that Hezbollah, Hamas and Iran are all prepared to accept (I am not making that up)." The tiny particle of truth here is that Bush announced his "vision" of a Palestinian state - somewhere, some day, a pale reflection of the long-standing international consensus on a two-state settlement. Bush did indeed innovate: he is the first president to officially endorse Israeli annexation of the major illegal settlements in the West Bank, a long step backwards from Clinton's "parameters," and a death blow to any hope for a viable Palestinian state, as minimal familiarity with the region demonstrates.
In contrast, Iran's "supreme leader" Ayatollah Khamenei formally announced that Iran "shares a common view with Arab countries on ... the issue of Palestine," meaning that Iran accepts the Arab League position: full normalization of relations in terms of the international consensus. "Khamenei has said Iran would agree to whatever the Palestinians decide," the prominent Iran scholar Ervand Abrahamian observes. If Rauch reads the journal in which he writes, he knows that Hamas Prime Minister Ismail Haniye called for "statehood for the West Bank and Gaza..." (Washington Post, July 11, 2006) There are innumerable other examples, perhaps most important among them the statement of the most militant Hamas leader Khalid Mish'al, in exile in Damascus, calling for "the establishment of a truly sovereign and independent Palestinian state on the territories occupied by Israel in June 1967" (Guardian, Feb. 23, 2007). Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah has repeatedly stated that as a Lebanese organization, Hezbollah will not disrupt anything agreed to by the Palestinians.
Much as it may distress the nationalist, on this matter the positions of Iran, Hamas, and Hezbollah are more moderate - that is, closer to the long-standing international consensus - than those of the US and Israel.
In Rauch's universe, Washington "tolerates a sovereign, more or less democratic Iraq whose Shiite government is friendly toward Iran." No comment should be necessary for readers of the daily press.
That exhausts Rauch's charges. Orwell triumphs again.
It is perhaps not surprising that Rauch's furious exertions did not unearth even a misplaced comma. As he knows, the op-eds passed through New York Times fact checking. There might be a lesson there for the journal in which he is a senior writer.
Noam Chomsky
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